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图说那些不幸国家的不幸工人们 发表评论(0) 编辑词条

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图说那些不幸国家的不幸工人们 编辑本段回目录

本文的工作环境指的是宏观环境,某个国家不在其列让人感到颇为惊讶。另外,需要指出的一点是,每年九月的第一个星期一是美国的劳动节
Belarus: Workers in Yurievo sort grain after a wheat harvest this August. Belarus's Constitution theoretically protects the right of workers to form and join trade unions. But the Trade Union Law of January 2000 and subsequent presidential decrees have created an atmosphere in which independent unions face harassment and their leaders are frequently arrested and prosecuted for peaceful protests. The authorities favor the Belarus Federation of Trade Unions, a pliant holdover entity from the communist era with which the government maintains close ties, and they pressure workers not to join independent unions -- which is easy enough to do because more than 90 percent of Belarusian workers have fixed-term contracts and the government, the major employer in Belarus, can end their employment for any reason when the contract expires. Collective bargaining does not exist, and workers who protest conditions are ignored by the court system.

VIKTOR DRACHEV/AFP/Getty Images

白俄罗斯:8月的Yurievo,麦子收获以后工人们正在扬场。虽然白俄罗斯的宪法理论上保护了工人们组织和加入工会的权利,但2000年1月颁布的工会法和总统禁令让独立工会陷入了窘境,不但工会会被骚扰,而且连工会领导也会因为和平抗议而被逮捕和起诉。官方偏爱的白俄罗斯工会(Belarus Federation of Trade Unions)只能算是共产主义时期残留下来的一个傀儡而已,它与政府保持着紧密联系,迫使工人无法加入其他独立工会——这一点实现起来也很简单,因为白俄罗斯国内90%的工人签定的是定期雇佣合同,政府作为最大的雇主在合同到期以后可以以任何理由解除雇佣关系。劳资协定在白俄罗斯根本就不存在,若工人以工作条件差而告到法院,法院也不予受理。

图片来源:Viktor Drachev/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Burma: Burma's military junta systematically violates workers' rights and represses union activity. Independent trade unions, collective bargaining, and strikes are illegal, and labor activists are routinely arrested; several are serving decades-long prison terms. International observers have confirmed that the government and military still use forced labor, despite having banned the practice in 2000. The junta typically targets ethnic minorities for work on roads or military infrastructure projects. Children, even below the legal minimum employment age of 13, are subject to forced labor and military service. Above, a Burmese woman unloads bamboo at a lumber camp on the Irrawaddy River in February 2007.

Paula Bronstein/Getty Images

缅甸:2007年2月,在伊洛瓦底河(Irrawaddy River)的一处伐木场,一位缅甸妇女正在卸竹子。缅甸军政府经常会侵犯工人权益和镇压工会活动。在缅甸,独立工会组织、劳资协定和罢工都是非法的,工人维权人士通常都会被捕,有些人甚至已经被判处了几十年徒刑。国际观察人士证实,缅甸军政府依然在使用强制劳工,而这一行为在2000年已经被国际社会明令禁止了。政府有意让少数民族承担筑路或军事基础设施构建这样繁重的工程项目,甚至连不满13岁的童工也会被强制劳动和服役。

图片来源:Paula Bronstein/盖蒂图片社

Cuba: Cuban peasants harvest tobacco in Pinar del Río in February 2008. Cuba's 1959 revolution obliterated labor rights in a society that once boasted a rich tradition of labor activism. Workers are not permitted to organize outside the state-controlled labor federation, and Cuban law does not grant workers the right to strike. Those who do join independent trade unions face beatings, loss of employment, confiscation of property, and imprisonment; a number of the current generation of political prisoners are locked up for workplace dissent. Because the state controls the labor market, it determines pay and working conditions for almost all workers. In the small private sector, foreign investors are required to contract workers through state employment agencies, which pocket up to 95 percent of their salaries. The minimum wage in 2008 was about 225 pesos -- about $9 -- per month. Workers are also required to keep an eye on their colleagues and report any "dissident" activity.

LUIS ACOSTA/AFP/Getty Images

古巴:2008年2月,比那尔德里奥省(Pinar del Río)的古巴农民正在收获烟草。1959年革命阻塞了古巴社会的劳工权利,在这里不但工人不准组织超越国家控制的工会组织,而且古巴法律也禁止工人罢工。那些加入独立工会的工人面临着殴打、失业、财产充公和牢狱之灾;在押的很多政治犯都是由于对工作环境不满意而被拘禁。国家对劳动力市场实施管制,它决定了所有工人的薪水和工作条件。在一些私营小企业中,外国投资者需要通过国家雇佣机构与劳动者签订就业协议,而那些国营机构将95%的工人薪水都收入了自己的囊中。2008年,古巴的最低工资为每月225比索(约合9美元)。在工作的同时,工人们还需要盯紧同事,如果他们有任何“反动”言论或活动都要上报。

图片来源:Luis Acosta/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Eritrea: The Eritrean regime uses the same tactics common among authoritarian states -- controlling unions, crushing strikes, suppressing collective bargaining -- but goes a step further by imposing forced labor and national service on its citizens. This harsh system effectively renders meaningless the country's legal protections for workers; citizens between ages 18 and 50 can be made to perform compulsory labor in any given year and are required to serve in the military or civilian work programs for an indefinite length of time determined by the government. Those who try to escape the system face imprisonment or heavy fines, as do their families. The government justifies these rules by arguing that the threat posed by Eritrea's neighbor and former ruler, Ethiopia, compels the country to remain in a perpetual state of readiness for war. Above, Eritrean women from the Red Sea village of Hirgigo walk home from work at a mangrove plantation in November 2007.

PETER MARTELL/AFP/Getty Images

厄立特里亚:2007年11月,来自Hirgigo红海村(Red Sea village)的厄立特里亚妇女从红树林种植园步行回家。厄立特里亚政府也是通过控制工会、取消罢工和禁止劳资协定等方式来侵犯劳工权利的,但同时它还对国民施加强制性劳役和兵役。在厄立特里亚,所谓对工人的法律保护简直是一纸空文;年龄在18至50岁之间的公民随时都要履行义务劳动责任和服兵役,时间长短完全由国家掌控。那些试图逃避劳动或服役的人不但会面临牢狱或巨额罚款,而且还会举家连坐。对于这些极端行为,厄立特里亚政府却把责任推卸到邻国埃塞俄比亚身上,并辩解说是因为邻国威胁而使得国家要一直保持战备状态。

图片来源:Peter Martell/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Equatorial Guinea: Women catch fish in Ureka in November 2008. Dictator Teodoro Obiang Nguema makes little effort to conceal his contempt for trade unions. Several years ago, his government told the International Labor Organization that "there were no trade unions in the country because there was no tradition of trade unionism." Obiang -- reelected last November with 96 percent of the vote -- and his cronies have enriched themselves on oil revenues while ordinary citizens subsist on less than $1 a day. The government has refused to recognize several nascent labor organizations and has violently repressed protesting workers.

Ian Nichols/National Geographic/Getty Images

赤道几内亚:2008年11月,Ureka的妇女正在捕鱼。在赤道几内亚,独裁者特奥多罗·奥比昂·恩圭马·姆巴索戈(Teodoro Obiang Nguema)毫不掩饰自己对于工会的蔑视。几年以前,他的政府告诉国际工会组织说:“这个国家不可能产生工会,因为这里没有工联主义的传统。”去年11月,奥比昂以96%的高支持率获得连任,他和自己的亲信们因为石油贸易而搜刮了巨额财富,但老百姓却以每天不到1美元的生活费艰难度日。政府不但拒绝承认几个初见雏形的工会组织,而且还对抗议的工人实施了残酷镇压。

图片来源:Ian Nichols/国家地理/盖蒂图片社

Laos: Like other unreformed post-communist societies, Laos is a one-party state in which practically all significant institutions, including the Lao Federation of Trade Unions (LFTU), are controlled by the Lao People's Revolutionary Party. The LFTU's quasi-state function gives it a dubious dual role, controlling workers while it is supposedly defending them. The government, meanwhile, unilaterally sets compensation for government workers; for private-sector employees, collective bargaining, while called for under labor law, barely exists in reality. Above, a cobbler fixes shoes in Vientiane this March.

HOANG DINH NAM/AFP/Getty Images

老挝:2010年5月,首都万象(Vientiane)的一位补鞋匠正在修鞋。和其他保守的后共产主义国家一样,老挝也是一党专政的国家,老挝政府工会(Lao Federation of Trade Unions)是由老挝人民革命党(Lao People's Revolutionary Party)直接控制的。老挝政府工会的准政府性质赋予了它暧昧的双重角色,在本该保护工人的时候却对他们实施控制。同时,政府只对公务员设立了赔偿制度,却不管私营企业雇员的死活,劳资协定在老挝近乎不存在。

图片来源:Hoang Dinh Nam/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Libya: A Libyan carpet maker works in Tripoli's old city this March. Civil society and freedom of association were among the first casualties of the 1969 coup that brought Muammar al-Qaddafi to power. Qaddafi's brand of socialist revolution has meant the elimination of unions that aren't controlled by the regime. The government sets minimum wage rates, work hours, night-shift rules, and other workplace laws. Collective bargaining barely exists, and strikes are illegal. Foreigners, constituting about one-third of the workforce, are victims of systematic discrimination.

JOSEPH EID/AFP/Getty Images

利比亚:2010年5月,在的黎波里(Tripoli)的老城区,一位利比亚的地毯商人正在工作。1969年的政变结束了利比亚的公民社会和结社自由,穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲(Muammar al-Qaddafi)从此独揽大权。卡扎菲标榜的社会主义革命实际上是将以前不受国家控制的工会组织彻底除去,政府虽然设立了最低工资标准、工作时间、夜班制度和其他工厂法令等,但没有劳资协定,罢工也是非法的。占劳动力总数三分之一的外国劳工成了系统歧视的牺牲品。

图片来源:Joseph Eid/法新社/盖蒂图片社

North Korea: Strict state control of work is, unsurprisingly, a basic fact of life in North Korea; it's written into the country's constitution. Work is obligatory, and failure to meet the state's workplace standards can result in a five-year stint in the gulag -- or, in some cases, a death sentence. The officially sanctioned trade union federation is given the responsibility of mobilizing and regimenting workers to meet production quotas and adhere to work discipline. Collective bargaining, needless to say, is not an option. In some enterprises, workers are paid episodically, receiving nothing for months on end. Above, women work at a construction site in Sinuiju in October 2006.

FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP/Getty Images

朝鲜:2006年10月,在新义州(Sinuiju)一处建筑工地打工的妇女们。在朝鲜,对劳工实施严格的国家管制是一项基本国策,因为宪法里就是这样规定的。工作是一种义务,达不到任务标准的工人会被处以五年监禁,有时候甚至会被判处死刑。官方设立工会的目的是为了将工人们动员和集中起来,以完成生产指标和维护生产纪律。很显然,在这里是不会存在什么劳资协定的。在某些工厂里,工人们的工资是不定时发放的,有时候一连干了几个月到头来却一无所获。

图片来源:Frederic J. Brown/法新社/盖蒂图片社 

Saudi Arabia: Miners work in Saudi Arabia's al-Amar Gold Mine, southwest of Riyadh, in May 2008. Saudi Arabia, which bans all political parties, also offers one of the world's most inhospitable environments for workers' movements. The labor code denies them the right to form unions, bargain with employers, or strike; anyone who does those things risks imprisonment or, if he or she is a foreigner, deportation. Migrant workers, mostly from South Asia, are treated with particular harshness and are paid much lower wages than are Saudi and Western workers. Their workplace conditions are often so deplorable that some actually try to get arrested and deported. Exploitation and mistreatment is rampant among the 1.5 million female domestic workers, many of whom are effectively forced laborers.

HASSAN AMMAR/AFP/Getty Images

沙特阿拉伯:2008年5月,在利雅得(Riyadh)西南部的阿艾马尔金矿(al-Amar Gold Mine)中,矿工们正在工作。沙特阿拉伯不仅禁止任何政党组织,而且对工人运动也持敌视态度。该国的劳动法规不承认工人有组织工会、签订劳资协定或罢工的权利;一意孤行的劳动者会面临牢狱之灾,如果是外国人的话,则会被驱逐出境。从南亚来的外出务工人员经常会受到残酷的剥削,他们的工资比沙特本国和西方劳动者要低出许多,工作条件极为恶劣。另外,150万的本国女性劳工也受到了残酷的剥削和虐待,很多妇女实际上已经沦为了强制性劳工。

图片来源:Hassan Ammar/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Sudan: Sudan's 1992 Trade Union Act handed the government-controlled Sudan Workers' Trade Union Federation a monopoly over organization, or what passes for it under the regime of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir. Strikes require government approval, which is never granted. There is no collective bargaining. Activists who operate outside government-sanctioned channels face arrest. Workers in Sudan's oil industry are closely monitored by the intelligence service, and their movements are restricted. Forced labor is common, as is the conscription of men and boys into the country's armed forces; women and children are often forced into domestic servitude and sexual slavery. Above, a Sudanese truck driver works on his vehicle in Nyala, South Darfur, in June 2009.

ASHRAF SHAZLY/AFP/Getty Images

苏丹:2009年6月,在达尔富尔南部的尼亚拉(Nyala)一位卡车司机正在工作。苏丹政府1992年颁布的《工会法案》(Trade Union Act)实际上是将国内的工会组织置于了政府的独裁统治之下,或者说是置于总统奥马尔·哈桑·艾哈迈德-巴希尔(Omar Hassan al-Bashir)的掌控之下。在苏丹,罢工名义上需要政府批准,但实际上永远也得不到许可。这里没有劳资协定,在政府管制渠道之外从事劳工权益活动的积极分子会被抓捕起来。在苏丹石油工业工作的工人们会被情报机关密切监视,他们的活动也受到限制。强迫劳动在这里是家常便饭,男性公民需要强制服兵役;妇女和儿童经常会被迫劳动,甚至是沦为性奴。

图片来源:Ashraf Shazly/法新社/盖蒂图片社 

Syria: Construction workers lay bricks for an apartment building in Damascus in March 2007. Syrian labor groups are required to belong to the General Federation of Trade Unions (GFTU), a nominally independent organization that is funded by the government and closely linked to the ruling Baath Party (its president is a senior party member). When several Syrian journalists came under threat from the government for reporting on sensitive subjects, the officially sanctioned Journalists' Union refused to support them. Strikes are legal but rare, and can result in jail terms for labor activists; in any case, the GFTU rarely calls them. Collective bargaining hardly exists.

LOUAI BESHARA/AFP/Getty Images

叙利亚:2007年3月,在大马士革(Damascus)修建公寓的建筑工人正在砌砖。叙利亚的劳工组织必须隶属国家总工会(General Federation of Trade Unions),国家总工会名义上是一家独立组织,实际上是由政府资助的,它和在野的阿拉伯社会复兴党(Baath Party)关系密切。有几位叙利亚记者因为报道敏感话题而遭到威胁,但官方却授意记者工会拒绝对他们施以援手。在叙利亚,罢工是非法活动,劳工权益活动家会被判刑,而劳资协定几乎不存在。

图片来源:Louai Beshara/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Turkmenistan: Since gaining independence in 1991, Turkmenistan has an unbroken record of rigged elections, suppression of the press, and marginalization of civil society. Private property has only recently been introduced, and corruption is rampant. Given this background, it is hardly surprising that the country keeps its trade unions safely under the state's thumb: The state-sanctioned Center for Professional Unions is led by a presidential appointee, and individual unions under its umbrella function as government appendages. On the bright side, the government did ban children from working in the cotton harvest in 2009. Above, police stand guard at the airport in Ashgabat in February 2007.

MUSTAFA OZER/AFP/Getty Images

土库曼斯坦:2007年2月,在阿什哈巴德(Ashgabat)机场站岗的警察。自从1991年获得独立以后,土库曼斯坦就陷入了选举舞弊、媒体镇压和排斥公民社会等等丑闻之中无法自拔。私有财产的概念最近才被引入国内,土库曼斯坦的腐败极其猖獗。在这样的大背景之下,由国家来管制工会组织就显得一点也不奇怪了,该国的国家工会领导者是由总统任命的,其他个体工会处于被领导的附属地位。不过,土库曼斯坦政府还算是做了点好事:2009年,它宣布禁止在棉花收获期使用童工。

图片来源:Mustafa Ozer/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Uzbekistan: A baker works with dough in Tashkent in December 2007. Although Uzbekistan's laws theoretically permit independent unions, in practice union activity is controlled by the brutal regime of Islam Karimov, the Soviet-era holdover who has run the country since 1990. The leaders of the state-run Board of the Trade Union Federation of Uzbekistan are Karimov appointees. There are no independent unions, and collective bargaining, though legal, seldom occurs. Although the Uzbek Constitution forbids forced labor, the authorities are said to compel university students, medical workers, schoolchildren, and government workers to assist in bringing in the annual cotton crop.

MAXIM MARMUR/AFP/Getty Images

乌兹别克斯坦:2007年12月,塔什干(Tashkent)的一位面包师正在揉面。尽管乌兹别克斯坦的法律理论上允许独立工会存在,但实际上工会活动是被野蛮的伊斯兰·卡里莫夫(Islam Karimov)政府严格控制的,这位前苏联时期的独裁者从1990年开始就一直统治着乌兹别克斯坦。国营性质的乌兹别克工会(Trade Union Federation of Uzbekistan)的领导者由卡里莫夫直接任命。在乌兹别克斯坦,除了国家工会之外,没有其他任何独立的工会组织,虽然劳资协定在这里是合法的,但也是形同虚设。乌兹别克斯坦宪法禁止强制劳役,但每年一到棉花收获期,国家就要动员大学生、医务工作者、小学生和公务员们参加协助义务劳动。

图片来源:Maxim Marmur/法新社/盖蒂图片社

Vietnam: A poultry trader sleeps in a hammock surrounded by ducks in her market stall in suburban Hanoi this April. In theory, working people enjoy a broad array of rights in Vietnam. The government has adopted a labor code that calls for union recognition and collective bargaining. In reality, however, workers enjoy few of them. To begin with, they cannot form unions of their own choosing, but rather must join a union affiliated with the Vietnam General Conference of Labor: a pliant, state-controlled entity that functions as a pass-through for the Communist Party. The legal hurdles to calling a strike are monumental. Virtually all recent protests were wildcat strikes, reflecting workers' mistrust of their union representatives. The government cynically allows these protests -- most against foreign-owned firms -- because they give workers an opportunity to demand higher wages without forcing the government to raise the minimum wage, which authorities fear would discourage foreign investment.

HOANG DINH NAM/AFP/Getty Images

越南:2010年4月,在河内郊区的一个街市档位上,一位家禽贩子睡在吊床上。在越南,理论上工人们享有很多权利,国家也以法律形式承认了工会和劳资协定的合法性,但实际上,这些都只是书面的套话而已。工人们无法按照自己的意愿组织工会,只能加入隶属政府的越南总工会(Vietnam General Conference of Labor),在强大的阻碍之下他们也无法实施罢工。最近也有一些针对外资工厂的零星抗议活动,越南政府对此是睁一只眼闭一只眼,因为这样可以在无需抬高最低工资标准的前提下,让外国资本家们给本国工人们涨工资,何乐而不为,不过官方亦担心此举会吓跑外国投资者们,一时间让越南政府是骑虎难下。

图片来源:Hoang Dinh Nam/法新社/盖蒂图片社

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